Madame ngo dinh refused without hesitation. "Western-style democracy in Vietnam won’t work. We won’t give up our strength and we can’t give up our strength!"
Never die, never die.
If you don’t listen to the last advice, forget it
Li Min sighed and said helplessly, "You are so persistent in my words."
"Stop talking about this and get down to business."
Madame ngo dinh looked back at the living room door, and no one really said with a serious face, "People, we found that some senior officers were going to fish in troubled waters in that incident. The president entrusted me to ask you which side you would take once someone staged another coup."
The brain is more awake and less aware of an undercurrent in the * * department.
At this moment, Li Min won’t make a promise easily, and said with a little meaning, "Mrs. Tan, you can tell Mr. Yan to evacuate to Pingdong Industrial Village as soon as he finds that someone is trying to stage a coup. I will make sure that your family is safe."
Madame ngo dinh was so disappointed that he almost asked in a pleading tone, "That’s all?"
Li Min said bluntly, "I am responsible for too many people. If the opposition is large enough, I can’t do most of them. If it comes to that, maybe I will be opposed to being listed in public and private."
"The industrial village security forces reserve forces militia self-defense forces plus the garrison headquarters and Nong divisions on the Jinou Peninsula, except for the navy and the army, you can mobilize more power than * *!"
"Key investment companies and industrial villages are not monolithic; they will definitely support the North Vietnamese People’s Army and the South Liberation guerrillas; But the possibility of supporting me in the war is slim. "
Chapter one hundred and ninety Rich politics
The number of billionaires in South Vietnam is estimated by no one except the industrial investment company.
However, one thing can be confirmed: the current rich are far more than before, and many wealthy Vietnamese businessmen have been suppressed during the colonial rule, replacing the French to enter the economic stage and influencing the economy of South Vietnam together with the famous Chinese rich.
The most representative ones are Ruan Houchang, the king of architecture, Li Huisheng, the king of real estate, Ruan Youzheng, the king of road construction, and Chen Wenchun, the king of automobile transportation and coal in Huang Wenhao.
A study of their family history shows that they have one thing in common: they are almost supported by the industrial investment company and the Bank of East Asia, relying on the infrastructure projects of the industrial investment company or other industries to become rich in just a few years, unlike the "old Chinese rich" such as Li Min, Wu Jingchen, Wu Chang and Huang Ziheng, a large part of their assets come from inheritance and accumulation from several generations of their families.
The political situation in Saigon is unstable, and Dinh Nhu Ngo’s attempt to get his hands on industrial investment companies has aroused the vigilance of these new rich people.
As soon as madame ngo dinh finished his trip to Fuguo Island, Ruan Houchang quietly rushed to Lijia Villa, No.16, the seaside community with his old friends to discuss how to deal with it.
It is the long-term strategy of the industrial investment company and the "Yue Hua Literature and Art Research Association" to let some people get rich first and divert the public’s attention so as to relieve the pressure of the Chinese rich. The "Fair Opportunity Committee" of the industrial investment company is specially set up for this purpose, and it is difficult to support several "allies". Of course, Li Min will warmly welcome him and invite Wu Andong, chairman of the SAR Management Committee, to accompany him.
Ruan Houchang and Wu Tingyan were born in a landlord family.
After graduating from high school, I went to France to study civil engineering and returned to the colonial government. I was one of the few construction engineers in South Vietnam.
After the industrial investment company was established and the industrial village was planned to be paved, the company gave him a series of preferential policies. The Bank of East Asia took a low-interest loan and remained as inclined as possible to him until the tender for the current industrial village project. It can be said that he would not be today without this one.
Ruan Houchang, a grateful newspaper reporter, has great respect for Party A, who is six years younger than himself. He bluntly said in front of the east of Wu ‘an that "Mr. Min will have a second time for the first time, and I don’t think there will be such good luck in the future. You must be prepared for your own or our common cause."
"Yes."
Chen Wenchun, the "king of coal" who depends on the industrial investment company to eat in several factories, echoed with lingering concern that "the president is too influenced by Dinh Nhu Ngo and his wife, and Dinh Nhu Ngo can do anything by himself. He will not allow industrial villages and special zones to stay out of the government forever, and will certainly take action in the future."
Having been labeled as "Gongtou", it can be said that Li Huisheng, the real estate king who has both glory and loss, is not only close to "Gongtou" but also close to the Chinese because his real estate business has almost half of the bank.
Huang Wenhao, the king of automobile transportation, looked at each other and tried to persuade him, "Mr. Min, we should unite all the forces that can unite, such as the political opposition. If you don’t mind, I can join Pan Huikuo to ask him for help more than once."
Looking at Li Min thoughtfully, Ruan Houchang whispered, "If you feel that Mr. Pan Huikuo is not suitable, please bring Mr. Pan Guangdan back from Cambodia. We can join the Kuomintang or they can form a new party together."
Pan Huikuo’s influence is greater than that of Pan Guang’s birthday. When he was the head of state, he once took the responsibility of the Minister of Education and the Minister of National Defense of Vietnam. Because of political differences, he was always excluded by the Wu brothers. Although there was no public opposition, everyone knew that he was a leader in the opposition.
Today, "Gongtou" is not short of money, people and guns, but lacks political influence. After all, compared with the old politicians such as Pan Huikuo, Chen Wenxiang and Pan Guangdan, Chen Shiguo, Wu Dongdong and Ruan Zhiren are too young and have long been "Gongtou", which is not so influential and appealing elsewhere in Saigon Industrial Village.
Their implication is very accurate.
Now that we have torn our faces, we should change our consistent position of participating in politics, and first support several opposition leaders, Wu Tingyan and his brothers, to sing against Taiwan, which will be successful. If not, it will hold Saigon back.
When the capital has accumulated to a certain extent, we will try our best to ensure the capital security.
Li Min was glad that several capitalists could think so. After thinking about it, he smiled sideways and asked, "What do you think of Anton?"
Administration, public security and economy are more than one. Wu Andong, chairman of the SAR Management Committee, is more radical than them. He really looks down on politicians who only know opposition but can’t come up with a set of solutions. He bluntly said, "Chairman, I don’t think it is appropriate for the opposition to contact."
Ruan Houchang asked eagerly, "What?"
"It’s very simple. First, we haven’t reached the point of tit-for-tat. We have basically controlled the situation and the stability is overwhelming. There is no need to intensify and provoke contradictions. Second, the attitude of the United States is not strong enough. Some of the actions of the Wu Tingyan brothers are disgusted and there is no real opposition. No matter what we do, we must conform to the US policy toward Vietnam. "
Wu Dongdong paused and continued, "Compared with the Wu Tingyan brothers and some aggressive senior officers in North Vietnam, they are more difficult. They seem to support the government’s facts and have been waiting for the opportunity. We should be more tolerant of the common cause than them and never give them a chance to catch cicadas and yellowbirds."
The Wu brothers can engage in dictatorship by the secret police. Once those military leaders are in charge of God knows what they will do, South Korea may become a military government.
Ruan Houchang gasped at the thought of the economic situation during the warlord’s rampage and said with anxiety, "Mr. Dong, your analysis is very reasonable. The key has been torn with President Yan. Even if it is not torn, we can no longer blindly support us. We can’t sit still and do nothing."
Their sense of crisis is far stronger than that of the Chinese rich. After all, this is their country.
If the political situation gets out of hand or South Vietnam is occupied by North Vietnam, Chinese rich people such as Wu Jingchen, Wu Chang and Ma Anyi can abandon their real estate and go to Hongkong, Taiwan Province or other Southeast Asian countries, where can they really live in exile in France?
Li Min can understand their urgency. After all, Dinh Nhu Ngo’s attempt to forcibly take back the industrial investment company is too scary to take over the conversation. "Don’t I don’t know, but I can confirm that the United States will never allow South Vietnam to be occupied by North Vietnam. Both the Independence Palace and the General Staff have been repeatedly warned by American politicians that they dare not easily get their hands on industrial investment companies today.
I share Mr. Anton’s point of view. I can’t bear to keep the status quo as long as possible. We should never take actions to intensify contradictions as a last resort. We are engaged in industry, not careerists, not politicians. The longer we can keep the status quo, the better for us. "
Everyone looks at each other and believes that the two bosses are so calm in the face of such a big event and such a big threat.
Wu Dongdong coughed twice and put a cup with a smile and explained, "Saigon is a big cesspit. No matter who jumps in, it will make a stink. The Wu Tingyan brothers are unpopular. Others may not be able to do better than them. We can’t bear it any longer. Wait for them to come to BLACKPINK one by one, and then turn the tables one by one to clean up the situation."
"But …"
"I know what you are worried about."
While greeting everyone for tea, Li Min confidently assured, "Since several people have come over, I can make a pledge on behalf of the chairman of the board of directors. The company has the confidence, determination and strength to maintain the status quo of eleven industrial villages, Fuguo Island Special Zone, Embankment Business District and six provinces. In other words, this is our bottom line. Anyone who dares to get their hands on the security department of the company and the border defense of Jinou Peninsula will take corresponding actions at the first time."
"Mr. Min’s government transferred the administrative system of the garrison and the police system of six provinces to the hands of Wu Tingyan’s brothers."
"All of you should work with the company and give full play to your influence as much as possible. I believe that those officials and police will have a plan for the future, and who should support and listen to will eventually have a correct choice."
It was normal to support Wu Tingyan five years ago, and the risk of supporting Wu Tingyan now is not one point or two.
The "Southern National Liberation Front" is purely a United Front Organization of the Workers’ Party of North Vietnam. It wants to implement the Soviet-Russian polar system. They advocate that there are certain market cities in rural areas, especially the government, and few people support it.
For those * * senior officers, it is a "hill" before they come to the stage. Even the pay can’t be paid on time, so make a worrying future with them.
"Work investment" is different.
With money, people, guns, influence, and the support of the US government, we now have a good grasp of the whole future of the six provinces’ defense. "Small government" is hard to say, but it is necessary to do private work. Most officials in six provinces will definitely follow the lead of industrial investment companies
Reminiscent of the previous period, Ruan Houchang, who vigorously promoted the joint-stock system, reacted like a wake-up call and nodded repeatedly, "What Mr. Min said is that we don’t have to make a move if we don’t touch our bottom line."
It is normal for him to think of this.
Because I remember correctly, another time ago, this gentle "contractor" fled to California when North Vietnam hit Saigon, and made a lot of money in the "old business" of the construction industry. Then, together with Ruan Qing and others, he called on Vietnam to disperse the anti-G points around the world to set up the "Provisional Government of the Federal Republic of Free Vietnam" and even went beyond the chairman of the government in exile.
After living in the United States for more than two years, he was eligible for American citizenship, but he refused to give up his Vietnamese citizenship. However, the green card for long-term residence in the United States, like President Jiang, planned to counterattack. It can be said that he was also a politician, but he was not as lucky as Wu Tingyan and failed to catch up with his time and become a hero.
When you have money, you have ideas
His political talent was obviously activated by the former Li Min thought for a moment and suddenly said, "Mr. Chang, I finally believe that no matter what you do, you must rely on yourself. If you are too worried about the future, you can take advantage of the chairman of the Construction Industry Federation and the director of the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce to form a political group first."
Think of political ideas and articles of association to mobilize more people to run for the next session of Congress. I will support the industrial investment company and add a mass base that others do not have. I believe it is not difficult to be elected. "
It’s much better to let them go ahead than to go shirtless in the company.
Wu Dongdong thinks it’s a good idea, suggesting that "Gongtou" should form two or three political parties to support one or two student groups, which is "spontaneous" to the outside world, so that they can actively participate in the political company and take control of the overall situation, which will be flexible and reflect that the Gongtou company and the industrial village management Committee have a strong democratic atmosphere.
…………………………
Ps Happy New Year to all brothers and sisters!
There are too many things during the Spring Festival, and it is extremely abnormal to update it intermittently. It is estimated that it will be the fourth day of the fourth year. Please forgive me!
Chapter one hundred and ninety-nine Rich politics (2)
Seeing off Ruan Houchang and other new rich people, Wu Andong is still wanting more. While walking with Li Min on the soft beach, he is excited to look forward to the future.
In the eyes of the public, they are "serious people" who are not interested in politics, but the opposite is true.
Capitalism, as its name implies, comes first with capital and then with socialism.
The stronger the industrial investment company has, the more 90% of the capitalists can deal with the world’s most powerful capitalist country almost every day, and most of the entire elite have gone abroad and been influenced by the West far more than those of Pan Guangdan, and many of their ideas are more right and radical.
It’s just that I’ve been keeping a low profile and trying not to get involved in the political situation in Saigon.
With the rapid development of the company, the confidence of the whole management has expanded rapidly. Like the vice chairman Chen Shiguo, he highly advocates American democracy and believes that Vietnam should implement a democratic constitutional system, which should be divided into three parts, multi-party system, parliamentary system and universal suffrage of one person, one vote to realize freedom of speech, and regard western-style democracy as a "panacea" to save the country.
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